How media conglomerates in the 1990's influenced the increasing
interconnections between people and places around the world.
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Emma Balfour in 'Emma' Vogue Paris June July 2001 |
Fashion model, Emma Balfour, grew up in Adelaide, lives in
Sydney and gets her family's travel expenses paid when she works overseas. When
Emma worked full-time she lived in London for convenient access to her
employers on the Trans-Atlantic and European fashion circuit (Inchly 2001, p.
76). In Australia we see her work in
Vogue. Images from photo
sessions could be printed in any of
Vogue's eight different
editions worldwide (Zanetti 1995, P. 14). Balfour's international and
intercontinental connections, and those of
Vogue's publishers,
Conde Nast, typify the trend towards 'global' or 'transnational' business and
media connections (Thompson 2000, p. 202).
I will explain 'globalisation' and the way it is influenced
by and the influence it has upon, the business of technologically mediated
communication, and the trend towards conglomeration. Data suggests increasing
interconnections between people and places, facilitated by mediated
communications systems (from here on 'the media'), can produce a dependency
upon that type of connection. A corresponding reduced vitality of relationships
within neighbourhoods can result. I will attempt to explain how global media
monopolies require dependency among readers and viewers (from here on
'consumers'), but although they can manipulate this dependency, they cannot
control it.
John B. Thompson states:
One can speak of globalization... when the growing
interconnectedness of different regions and locales becomes systematic and
reciprocal to some degree (2000 p. 202)
Conde Nast is part of a global media conglomerate. Conde
Nast publishes editions of Vogue in Spain, France, Great
Britain, Italy, Portugal, Germany, United States and Australia (Zanetti 1995,
p. 14). Conde Nast also produces twenty other magazines (CJR p.2). Conde Nast,
however, is just one 'unit' belonging to a parent company, Advance
Publications. Advance own twenty-six newspapers, and publish over 40 weekly
business journals (Standard 2001, p. 1), their trade and consumer magazine
unit, Fairchild, publish another thirteen magazines (CJR p. 2) The Industry
Standard lists Advance Publications as the 'number two US magazine publisher
(behind Time, Inc.)'. At this point it can become difficult to discern between
a connection and a division. The Industry Standard lists Time, Inc. amongst
Advance's competition, which sounds contradictory, because Advance have a
'partner', called AOL Time Warner (Standard 2001, p. 1).
AOL Time Warner is one of the world's largest media
conglomerates (Herman & McChesney 2000, p. 218). They do in fact own the
magazine publisher, Time, Inc., listed amongst Advance Publication's
competitors. This situation highlights a divergence from anticipated notions of
competition, once we enter the oligopolistic top end of the media market
(pp.223,224). In their book Global Media, Edward Herman and Robert
McChesney list some of the companies owned by Time Warner in 1997 and give us
preliminary insight into the scope of interconnections within global media
conglomerates.
Time Warner 1997... owns Time, Inc., which publishes 24
magazines, including Time, Sports Illustrated, People, Fortune, and Life;
Warner Music Group, including Warner Bros., Atlantic, Interscope and Elektra
Records; Warner Brothers studios; owns part of the WB Television network. Time
Warner is the largest owner of cable systems in the U.S., as well as owning
such cable channels and CNN,HBO and Cinemax (1997, p. 1)
Herman and McChesney call this the 'tiered global media
market' (2000, p. 220) or 'vertical integration' (p. 221). Conglomeration of
companies has many benefits. Profit margins are increased through
'cross-selling and cross promotion' (p. 221). They say AOL Time Warner is but
one of six huge vertically integrated media conglomerates that control the
majority of media activity in the global marketplace, but this is only a recent
trend. The market activities that birthed these giants have only happened since
the 1990's, when 'an unprecedented wave of mergers and acquisitions among
global media giants' was seen (2000, p. 220). Katherine Ainger says, the problem
with this development is:
We are creating a world in which a small & shrinking
commercial monopoly gets to tell all the stories while the rest of us get to
watch and listen (2001, p. 11).
Media networks are not the only businesses to move towards
global distribution. Neither are they the biggest players in the trend towards
conglomeration. (Herman & McChesney 2000, p. 220) (Klein 2000, p. 421).
Deregulation, downsizing and cost-cutting have contributed to the shaping of a
'global economy' where 'multinationals' dominate trade throughout industry (p.
421) (Thompson 2000, p. 202. What makes media networks so important in global
marketing is the role they play in connecting vendors to consumers when the two
are separated geographically. John B. Thompson states:
Distance has been eclipsed by proliferating networks of
electronic communication. Individuals can interact with one another or can act
within frameworks of mediated quasi-interaction, even though they are situated,
in terms of the practical contexts of their day-to-day lives, in different
parts of the world (2000, P. 10).
This is particularly noticeable in advertising. Again,
promotional trends within the media reflect trends in promotion generally.
It is a realm in which 'networking' directs players towards services they can
use (Castells 2000, p. 10).
Exemplifying cross promotion, Vogue can
promote a film while promoting clothes while making it look like they are
profiling an actor. One such profile in 1998 has images of Australian actor,
Toni Collette, modelling Akira Isogawa's clothes alongside text about her
career. The article mentions her latest film, Velvet Goldmine, nine
times and gave its release date in Australia at the end (McGregor 1998, pp.
124, 128). Isogawa gets a model for his clothes, Miramax get haute couture for
their star, Vogue get a 'feature', Collette gets exposure as
an actor. And all this available to 8 different editors spread across the
globe. The unique 'Synergy' combines interest and appeal (Herman and
McChesney 2000, p. 221).
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| Toni Collette, Australian actress 2001 |
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According to Dorothy Smith, appeal is necessary to 'create the "motivational" structure which returns the purchaser again and again to... the fashion boutiques [and] to the magazine racks displaying fashion magazines' (Smith 1988, p. 41). Designers at the Balenciaga fashion house must have thought Emma Balfour offered a characteristic appeal that no European model could. Along with that, props, lighting, camera techniques, accessories, and the work of stylists, makeup artists and hairdressers further refine the mood (Sauve 2001, p. 124). The enhancement, however, moves the images into the realm of fiction. Turner, Bonner and Marshall spoke to publicists during their study, 'The Production of Celebrity in Australia'. They confirmed that appeal in the media is not only constructed but also carefully targeted (2000, p. 81).
Further insights from Turner et al, give us grounds to
speculate that publicists from Miramax (producers of Velvet Goldmine),
controlled the construction of appeal in the Toni Collette feature specifically
with their film in mind (p. 1). Furthermore they reveal that Toni (at the time)
had her own publicist who only directed her towards media exposure that
furthered her career (p. 43). As a result, if readers feel a connection with
Collette, it is one that is limited and controlled. Readers can't ask their own
questions of her and are unlikely to ever meet Collette to verify her testimony
of the human experience (Roman et al 1998, p. 42).
We start to see a pattern described by Katherine Ainger
(2001, p. 10). Stories, images, 'repackaged' to suit the interests of a third
party. Purchasing never seems far away. Manuel Castells says the media network
is integral to capitalism and capitalism is integral to the media market.
It is indeed capitalism in its pure expression of the
endless search for money by money through the production of commodities by
commodities (2000, p. 79).
Media technologies have become the bona fide infrastructure
of global capitalism. Although their merging, collaboration and downsizing are
typical of corporate business practices more broadly during the last decade,
consumers have grounds to be suspicious according to Katherine Ainger:
In a recent CNN discussion, Gerry Levin, Chief Executive of
AOL Time Warner, announced that global media would become the dominant industry
of this century, more powerful than governments (Ainger 2001, p. 10).
Katherine Ainger and Langdon Winner have mentioned two areas, however,
where media conglomerates depend, to maintain their power, on ingredients
outside of their otherwise comprehensive control. The first is 'cultural
resources' the second is a yielding consuming public. Ainger says the media is
'extractive'. In order to get 'cultural resources' it draws on people's
lives.
Wealth is being made from words, ideas, knowledge, songs,
stories, data, culture... they are mining cultural resources in every part of
the world and repackaging them as cultural commodities and entertainment...
(Rifkind in Ainger 2001, p. 10)
Every edition of Vogue is packed from cover
to cover with images of people like Emma Balfour. Is Emma a cultural resource?
Using Ainger's definition, Emma becomes a cultural resource because her story
is in Vogue. Vogue Australia subordinated
the Balenciaga images to text about Emma's life. They called the feature
"Second Coming" (Inchley 2001, p. 76). Vogue Paris told
her story on the contributor's page (Complices 2001, p. 16). They also called
the Balenciaga fashion feature 'Emma' though its focus was Balenciaga (Sauve
2001, p. 124). Manuel Castells states that in the expensive world of the media:
'the simplest message is an image. The simplest individualized image is a
person' (2002, p. 13).
The attraction for consumers is the offering of a connection
with a glamourous person they are unlikely to meet (Turner, Bonner &
Marshall 2000, p. 8). Consumers who pursue connections through texts, however,
will always be subordinating face-to-face family and neighbourhood
relationships during reading time. In the absence of strong family and
neighbourhood relationships consumers may become more and more dependent upon
the mediated connections.
In Langdon winner's discussion of technologies possessing
power, he, like Ainger, speaks of 'requirements'. I see dependency in consumers
as a requirement of the media conglomerate. Winner States:
In this conception, some kinds of technology require their
social environments to be structured in a particular way in much the same sense
that an automobile requires wheels in order to run (Winner 1999, p. 33).
Winner takes his definition of 'required as being a
'practical necessity' and uses an analogy that I think is useful in depicting
the relationship between media conglomerates and consumers.
thus, Plato thought it a practical necessity that a ship at
sea have one captain and an unquestioningly obedient crew (p. 33).
In using the metaphor of consumers as an unquestioningly
obedient crew, I do not mean that they consume media products without
questioning what they receive, but that they unquestioningly continue to
purchase and use media technologies.
Gumpert and Drucker (1998 pp. 6,7), Herman and McChesney
(2000, p. 216), and Katherine Ainger (2001, p. 10), all report that consumption
rates of media technologies, media products and mediated entertainment are
increasing in the industrialised world. Gumpert and Drucker's figures indicate
that when families in western countries buy a new media technology they seldom
rid the home of the pre-existing piece. The new piece gets added in.
One motive for high rates of television viewing in the
western wold is a perception that vicarious participation in life, from the
safety of the lounge chair, will protect consumers from 'dangers' within their
community (Gumpert & Drucker 1998, p. 4). The consequences can be a
weakening of relationships. the perception of danger, however, can be
constructed or even implicit in media reports. Tanja Dreher has studied
responses to the high media profile of Western Sydney suburb, Cabramatta.
Categories which recur in media representation of Cabramatta
are youth, gangs, refugees... corruption, murder, immigration, heroin and
crime. In much of the extensive literature discussing these categories, there
is broad agreement that all are routinely reported in narrow and negative
terms, as outside and threatening to 'mainstream' society (Dreher 2000, p.
131).
Responses from locals indicate 'people who live and work in
Cabramatta feel passionately about news reporting of the area' and that 'most
feel frustrated' and misjudged.
You have to meet people and talk to people and not believe
what they say on television. Never judge a person by what they say in the
papers, because they always say the bad things (Resident in Dreher 2000, p.
132).
Well, we never get to hear about good stuff (Resident p.
131).
Further, Dreher unearths the same ingredient we discovered
in the fashion magazines... the agenda of a third party.
Criminals, youth, refugees, 'westies' [residents of the
western suburbs of Sydney] generally appear in news reporting only in response
to issues or agendas determined by others (p. 133).
Dreher found neighbours whose relationships had broken down
because of misleading portrayals of cultural differences in movies (p. 140).
This may have simply been a result of the creation of drama in the film or the
maintenance of the level of entertainment (Postman 1986 p. 89) (Turner et al
2000, p. 9). Other residents claimed being disadvantaged in job placement when
employers found they lived in (or even near) Cabramatta. Residents of
Northern and Eastern suburbs of Sydney consistently expressed bewilderment at
how anyone could live 'out there' [in the western suburbs] (p. 133). Sadly, the
perceptions may have arisen because of some political agenda (Castells 2000, p.
80). In conclusion Dreher states:
I do want to suggest that media representations may
contribute to perceptions of people and places of which we have little
other experience (Dreher 2000, p. 141).
In an unexpected convergence of the data at hand, Vogue makes
reference to Toni Collette's childhood in Western Sydney. They make no attempt
to dress it up.
I grew up in Sydney's Western Suburbs. I was well aware of
the shit that goes down. I didn't have to research this side of things
(Collette in McGregor 1998, p. 128).
We quickly notice, however, the connection between her
history and a second film, David Wenham's controversial film The Boys.
Collette's childhood no doubt sounded like credibility for her role in the
fictionalisation of events surrounding the Anita Cobby murder, which happened
in the western suburbs (p. 128) (Hogan 1998, p. 86). Moreover, her streetwise
suitability for that role could have translated into further credibility for
her role as the 'wife of a 70's glam-rock star' in Velvet Goldmine.
The problem with Collette's comments is that they tie the events in the film to
a location, and build expectations of the area as a place where 'shit goes
down', whereas bad things can happen anywhere. The controversy
surrounding the release of the film, however, 14 years after the murder took
place indicated that the event was something from which the community had
barely begun to recover (fisher 1997-2002, p. 1). In fairness to Collette,
several publicists, a writer and magazine editors could have stopped her
comments getting into print (Turner et al 2000, p. 43). An infamous image can
be useful in some circumstances. With Collette's interview taking place in Los
Angeles (McGregor 1998, p. 124), I suspect any concern held by Producers' in
Australia probably carried little weight.
Katherine Ainger directs a challenge at both producers and
consumers about the divisive capability of this type of globalised, mediated
connectedness.
In every country media corporations help to break our
relationships to our communities, educators, collective cultures, experiences.
They turn us into isolated consumers - and then tell our stories back to us
(2001, p. 11).
I do not think this could happen without widespread
acceptance of the separation between producers and consumers that typify
globalisation. Tanja Dreher found the same residents who had complained about
Cabramatta's media profile, sought to find out 'all about the government'
through news and current affairs television (Dreher 2000, p. 134). Non profit,
open publishing projects like 'Indymedia' on the world wide web offer some
relief from the tangled interests of politics and profiteering (Roman 2002, p
2), but the problem of verification persists with reporters and readers
separated. Consumers can hardly blame a scheming controlling media for
narrowing their field of information, if the media has become their primary
source of discovery. Particularly when the reduction in access and reporting is
caused by the same merging and downsizing being implemented in other industries.
I think suspicious, disgruntled consumers of media products
still have power. Langdon Winner has paved the way for some innovative
power-play in his musings about Plato's crew of a ship at sea. Like Katherine
Ainger, I assert that consumers who allow themselves to be come dependent upon
mediated technologies for their news, entertainment and relationships become
that yielding consuming public or unquestioningly obedient crew
'required' for global media to maintain power. In conclusion I ask: If consumers
cancelled their newspapers and magazine subscriptions, melted down their radios
and put their televisions out for hard-rubbish collection and didn't replace
them, then started mining their own neighbourhoods and communities for live,
unmediated, unconstructed, non-sponsored cultural resources, would that
constitute a mutiny on Plato's ship?
Submitted 08/11/2002, Major Assignment: Cultural Change & Communication Technologies, Bachelor of Arts, University of South Australia
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